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There are so many things to do these days, especially in a place like London, that often you make up your mind about what to do of an evening at the very last moment. So, maybe you have the coming Tuesday evening, tomorrow, March 17th, still free. If you do, I strongly recommend the Libertarian Alliance’s 2nd Annual Chris R. Tame Memorial Lecture, which this year will be given by Professor Kevin Dowd.
Getting on for a hundred people have already signed up to attend this event, in other words quite a few more than showed up for last year’s inaugural Chris Tame lecture given by David Myddleton. But there is room for more still. Attendance is free of charge. All the organisers ask is, if you want to be there, email them beforehand. Follow the link at the top of this for all the details of the event, and for the email to confirm attendance.
What excites me about this lecture is that Dowd is both an unswerving libertarian, and an expert on banking, on the history of banking and on the baleful effects over the decades of state monopoly fiat money and of banking regulation. This is a man who not only believes in the idea of a free market in currencies and in banking, but someone who can actually explain in detail why that would be a better arrangement than anything else now being proposed. He also has firm and positive views about what should immediately be done, right now, to alleviate the crisis. And because he is a Professor, he has some leverage for getting his ideas reported in the mainstream media.
Having been looking forward to this event for several months, I now realise that I have, infuriatingly, a teaching commitment set in concrete for that very same evening. But the good news for me, and for anyone else who won’t be able to attend the lecture in person, is that it will be videoed, and video internetted just as soon as that can be contrived. You may depend upon me to have further things to say about this potentially very important lecture just as soon as that video is available and linkable to.
Can we win the ideological war that now swirls about the current financial catastrophes? Personally I remain optimistic about this possibility, but whether we can actually win or not, we should surely try to win. And those of us who conveniently can should surely support those people, like Kevin Dowd, who are making the biggest efforts to this end. Most of Samizdata’s readers do not live in London and can’t be at this lecture in person, although lots are Londoners and could. But, Londoners or not, I very much hope that a healthy proportion of us will at least give the video our closest attention. Meanwhile, I am sure that almost all of you will join with me in wishing Professor Dowd all the best for tomorrow evening.
It’s like a parallel universe out there. Politicians, newspaper journalists and television presenters are running around like headless chickens with no clue as to how to deal with the economic crisis. But the truth is out there.
Things are quite different from the recession of the 1970’s, which coincided with my discovery of libertarianism and Austrian School economics. Back then one had to be extraordinarily lucky to come across the likes of Mises, Hayek and Rothbard. Now correct explanations of why the crisis arose are just a few clicks away.
– David Farrer
This is a tremendous rebuttal of the claim that British manufacturing is in decline. Of course, there is nothing specifically wonderful in having a large or small manufacturing sector, but for those who care about such things, this article nails a lot of cliches about how Britain is supposedly losing the art of making stuff well. In fact, a lot of the manufacturing that goes on in the UK is first class. Take the aero-engine business, for example.
Well, it is nice to grasp at positive news that is going.
One of the recent themes of this blog’s authors has been to challenge, and hopefully demolish, the “narrative” of how the current crisis proves the weaknesses of “unregulated capitalism” (I could be far ruder than that but I am not a swearblogger). Another, related theme that we try to plug away at is to show how previous acts of interventionism, with politicians playing the role of strong hero on a big white horse, have failed or if they have “worked”, been by-products of massive state mobilisation for war.
Prime exhibit: the New Deal of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. When I was a child doing my O-Level history course in the early 1980s, I got this broad version: the New Deal demonstrated the success of Keynesian pump-priiming economics, therby proving also that support for fuddy-duddy things like the Gold Standard, or balanced budgets, or “sound money” was silly, reactionary and wrong. And some of my impressionable teenage brain agreed. I did rather sense that there was something fishy about this, but it was not until I was a bit older, and started reading all those wicked reactionary Austrians and Chicago economists that the issues began to clarify.
Recently, there have been moves by some writers to challenge the Roosevelt-As-Great-Man story more explicitly. One of the most recent examples is Amity Shlaes’ book, The Forgotten Man (borrowing her title from a famous essay by Willam Henry Sumner). And Jonathan Chait, a leftist writer for the New Republic, is angry at Ms Shlaes’ analysis. Reading his review, there are some points where I think he is being quite fair, but his article fails to deal with what I think is the most damning thing about FDR’s record during the 1930s, namely, that unemployment, according to official US data, never fell below double percentage figures right up until the outbreak of WW2. However one slices and dices it, that is an appalling record. Chait tries to claim that unemployment roughly fell by half, in percentage terms, during FDR’s period of office in the 1930s but that does not seem to be born out by the official statistics. Chait even tries to claim that FDR was not much of a consistent Keynesian anyway.
We then get this:
“Moreover, the classic right-wing critique fails to explain how the economy recovered at all. In one of his columns touting Shlaes, George Will observed that “the war, not the New Deal, defeated the Depression.” Why, though, did the war defeat the Depression? Because it entailed a massive expansion of government spending. The Republicans who have been endlessly making the anti-stimulus case seem not to realize that, if you believe that the war ended the Depression, then you are a Keynesian.”
Well it is undoubtedly correct that unemployment did fall dramatically at this point. Well, for a start, it is not very difficult to achieve full employment if your country ends up, by a terrible turn of events, to be the sole economic power that has not been invaded or otherwise been bombed heavily. And Mr Chait completely ignores the rather important fact that a large chunk of the US male workforce was put into uniform. And yes, when the war was over, and with oil prices at rock bottom, the momentum the US had built during the war years continued. But remember, Mr Chait, that the US had a recession in the late 1950s and JFK, let it not be forgotten, cut taxes – they were implemented after his murder, in 1964. That was a supply-side measure, although not advertised as such, since the language adopted by Arthur Laffer and his school had not yet become common currency in US public affairs
But the broader point Mr Chait makes is troubling: is Mr Chait saying that what the world, or at least the US needs right now is the economic equivalent of a war, or of some massive, government-led direction of all economic activity, complete with rationing, forced service to the nation, etc? He needs to argue why it was that Britain, for instance, had managed arguably to recover quicker from the Great Crash than the US. By the late 1930s, Britain, at least in the south and east, was actually quite prosperous, although unemployment in the traditional industrialised regions was still bad.
Mr Chait makes a number of valid points about Shlaes’ book, which is not the most persuasive or rigorous demoltion job on Keyensianism that I have read. If you want to read such a book, this is a great place to start. And if one wants recent evidence of the problems with trying to reflate economies with cheap money, then the history of Japan over the last decade and a half is striking. Mr Chait will have a tough job trying to shrug that example off.
Following from my previous article about the alleged size of the role played by China/Asia in the current financial troubles, an eagle-eyed commenter by the name of Marc Sheffner pointed this excellent article out which clarifies a lot. My thanks to Mr Sheffner.
God but I love the internet.
Remember that email I got from Tim Evans flagging up this? Well someone called James Tyler responded to it, also sending his reply to all of us on Tim’s list, with a link to this, which I likewise recommend. It’s a piece in Portfolio.com called “The End of Wall Street”, by the guy who wrote Liar’s Poker. I’m still reading the piece, but this is my favourite bit so far, about the observations of a man called Eisner:
More generally, the subprime market tapped a tranche of the American public that did not typically have anything to do with Wall Street. Lenders were making loans to people who, based on their credit ratings, were less creditworthy than 71 percent of the population. Eisman knew some of these people. One day, his housekeeper, a South American woman, told him that she was planning to buy a townhouse in Queens. “The price was absurd, and they were giving her a low-down-payment option-ARM,” says Eisman, who talked her into taking out a conventional fixed-rate mortgage. Next, the baby nurse he’d hired back in 1997 to take care of his newborn twin daughters phoned him. “She was this lovely woman from Jamaica,” he says. “One day she calls me and says she and her sister own five townhouses in Queens. I said, ‘How did that happen?'” It happened because after they bought the first one and its value rose, the lenders came and suggested they refinance and take out $250,000, which they used to buy another one. Then the price of that one rose too, and they repeated the experiment. “By the time they were done,” Eisman says, “they owned five of them, the market was falling, and they couldn’t make any of the payments.”
Paragraphs like that make me optimistic that statists just will not be able to pass the catastrophe off as a mere failure of unregulated capitalism. Yes the whole Sub-Prime thing was aided and abetted by Wall Street, big time. But it was set in motion by Washington politicians, and in particular politicians of the Democrat persuasion. This was, as we cannot repeat too often, a failure of the mixed economy, not of the extreme free market of the sort we here favour.
The folly of the Republicans, which has already been electorally punished, deservedly, was that most of them didn’t see it all coming and panicked when it did, and those that did smell the coffee were unable to do anything to soften the blows when the coffee exploded, or whatever. My guess is that there will soon be a cull of Washington Democrats as soon as the voters next get a culling opportunity – two years from now, right? And the big question is, what will the new intake’s take be on it all? But, as I often say on my personal blog when discussing gadgetry of various kinds beyond my understanding, what do I know?
UPDATE: Although, I’ve now finished reading the piece, and it is clear that its author derives no such anti-statist moral from his wretched story. Wall Street is the villain, and Wall Street is being justly, although very insufficiently, punished. Not a word about Democrats, or for that matter Republicans.
Once every month until I get sick of it, I intend to remind anyone whose attention I can get of this…
PARTS of the United Kingdom have become so heavily dependent on government spending that the private sector is generating less than a third of the regional economy, a new analysis has found.
The study of “Soviet Britain” has found the government’s share of output and expenditure has now surged to more than 60% in some areas of England and over 70% elsewhere…
The state now looms far larger in many parts of Britain than it did in former Soviet satellite states such as Hungary and Slovakia as they emerged from communism in the 1990s, when state spending accounted for about 60% of their economies.
It was the redoubtable Thaddeus Tremayne who first mentioned this back on January 25th of this year in an article called ‘Narrative narcosis’.
So next time some purblind fool tells you that our economic woes have been caused by ‘capitalism’ rather than ‘regulatory statism’ and ‘big government’, make a print out of that Times article on good high quality paper, roll it up tightly, and shove it very forcefully wherever your imagination and their complacency will allow.
Are you optimistic about the future? Several months ago I was not, but I am now. From what I can see, governments are walking down the path of their complete moral and financial bankruptcy far more quickly than I ever imagined they would. I thought that it would take our overmighty governments several slow, demoralising decades of decline and eventual collapse to completely discredit their authority and control in the eyes of the people. However, our governments appear to be going supernova right now and I suspect they will burn themselves out over a few painful and tumultuous years – destroying a great deal of wealth in the process, no doubt. However, as worrying as that prospect is, it was always going to be that way. And in spite of that, I feel particularly upbeat about the longer term future. Those who know nothing more (and expect nothing less) than widespread government authority and control over all aspects of our lives will have their imbecile – sorry, umbilical – cords to the State cut sooner than expected, thanks to the overwhelmingly reckless (but entirely predictable) government response to the current financial crisis. I really do believe that future historians will pinpoint this crisis as marking the beginning of the end of the big-government era.
Do you agree?
Government is an institution that has evolved along with we humans as our best means of applying violence. When you want to break things and kill people, there is no better institution for the job. The problem comes when we attempt to use it for other purposes. Its true skills will out even when the goal is entirely different, as with the current attempts of States to ‘help’ the economy.
What I see happening in the US and UK and other places with maximally ‘helpful’ governments is much like what happens when you accidentally spill Nitric Acid on the rug. It steams, bubbles, gets hots and makes a bit of sound and for a short while it appears that ‘something is happening’. Then the smoke clears and you see that it has ruined your rug.
Government ‘help’ is like that.
Following on from this, is another theme that came out of that seminar with media/City luminaries I went to the other day. One point that Anthony Hilton mentioned was the “global imbalance” issue. This is all about how the West, which is in net terms, up to its eyes in debt, has been living high on the hog thanks to oodles of surplus savings generated by countries such as China and Japan. In looking to figure out how to play the “global financial crisis blame game”, one argument goes like this: China, with its cheap exports, kept cheap by its artificially low and fixed exchange rate, earned huge amounts of money by selling this stuff to the West; in turn, the Chinese needed to reinvest the proceeds – there would be no point earning money you cannot spend – and they reinvested those proceeds in things like US government securities. As a result, long-term bond yields in the US fell, which enabled Mr and Mrs Westerner to renegotiate their long-term mortgages, release equity from their homes, and spend even more of their inflated wealth on – yes you guessed it – Chinese consumer goods. Result: a whacking great housing and consumer spending boom that inevitably crashed.
This argument sounds quite convincing. If it is true, then it also suggests that, contrary to what some of the critics of the Fed or other central banks might say, that there is not much that someone like Alan Greenspan could have actually done to curb domestic US monetary growth if there were such enormous inflows of hot money coming into the country’s debt markets from abroad. Well up to a point, Lord Copper. Much depends, I think, on what proportion of monetary growth in the West was driven by Asian inflows, and what was basically driven by domestic factors. I haven’t seen a lot of commentary on this.
If you buy the “Asian connection” argument, a problem, it seems to me, is that it would not have been realistic, for various reasons, for the US to have tried to curb these supposedly dangerous inflows of Asian money by protectionist measures such as capital controls or exchange controls. If one believes that capital and trade flows are good things, then imposing such controls would and could cause more damage than it solved. Exposure to capital flows has, in many ways, driven beneficial economic change.
But the argument about Asian money does suggest that had the Fed, etc, raised rates to curb inflationary pressures, all that would have achieved would have been to suck in even more Asian money from investors seeking a higher yield. But presumably, with higher rates, it would have curbed, and did eventually curb, US consumer spending, and hence dent the demand for Chinese and other non-US goods. China is now starting to feel the effects of the global slowdown rather sharply.
Even so, the “global imbalance” argument highlights the fact that in a world of fiat money without capital controls, it is now very hard for state central banks, even those with powers as wide as the Fed or the European Central Bank, to set interest rates effectively. Of course, the idea of a central bank setting rates for a complex economy is itself a version of state central planning. Globalisation has exposed its limitations.
One of the things I really want to ask Kevin Dowd at his Libertarian Alliance Chris R. Tame memorial lecture next week is how this sort of issue can be addressed. The “Asian dimension” to our current predicament could be the proverbial big gorilla in the living room. Or maybe it is just a small and rather distracting rodent.
Brian Micklethwait, over at his personal blog, links to a sentiment that states that it is wrong to blame the private sector banks for the current problems, given that the underlying cause of the credit/property bubble was cheap credit as supplied, ultimately, by central banks. Central banks are not creatures of the free market and would not exist in a world of pure laissez faire. So obvious to us, it hardly needs to be said. But outside our little intellectual bailiwick, you’d be be surprised – or perhaps not – to realise that saying such things still gets you a funny look.
As purely personal evidence, let me cite an experience last evening. I went along to a financial seminar in London’s Bloomsbury district, where various folk, including Anthony Hilton of the London Evening Standard and Angela Knight of the British Bankers’ Association were holding forth. Q&A ensued. Yours truly asked a question about what the panelists thought was the role of central banks and governments in causing the current SNAFU. You could almost smell the palpable relief on Knight’s behalf that she had heard someone not try to pin the blame entirely on private banks. My god, she thought, here’s a guy who has not bought the statist line that what is happening was caused by big, evil private banks. I have to say I found her answer on how the central banks mucked up was quite convincing although she by no means accepts the idea that the existence of central banks as such is a problem. As a lobbyist for the existing fractional reserve banking industry, she is certainly no Ludwig von Mises, but still.
I sense that some of the banking industry’s more independent-minded figures are getting really angry at being pilloried for sins outside of their control. The banking industry, however, cannot win any battle for hearts and minds until they are absolutely transparent about their own financial affairs, and until some of the leaders of the banking industry begin to embrace genuine free banking rather than the quasi-statist mess that we have now. Let’s face it, given the reputation of banks at the moment, what do they have to lose? The current option – hope for the best and take taxpayer’s money – is not proving to be very successful.
Life for me is hectic right now – for all the right reasons – but I wanted to quickly put up this link to an excellent commentary by Dan Mitchell of the Cato Institute, concerning the current US government’s drive against offshore tax havens, especially Switzerland. Governments such as that of the spendthrift US, UK and France are getting desperate for cash, and low-tax regimes which respect client confidentiality make for an easy target.
I can also recommend Dan’s recent book, co-authored with Chris Edwards, as a fine study of the whole case for tax havens and why they are a thoroughly good thing. Whenever you read someone arguing for ending “unfair tax competition”, what they really in fact want is to create a cartel. Most cartels, if not backed by states, tend to disintegrate in time, but are generally thought of as bad. Tax cartels are a prime example of cartels of the worst kind.
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