We are developing the social individualist meta-context for the future. From the very serious to the extremely frivolous... lets see what is on the mind of the Samizdata people.
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And unfortunately probably not the end of the unerringly off-target Frances Fukuyama. He is one of the more dependably incorrect pundits currently putting quill to parchment, and his ‘The End of History’, coming as it did in the middle of history’s violent resumption in the Balkans in 1992, may go down as the most ludicrous analysis of the world since 1848.
In his latest prognostication he argues that September 11th has undermined the entire thesis of libertarianism.
Sept. 11 ended this line of argument. It was a reminder to Americans of why government exists, and why it has to tax citizens and spend money to promote collective interests. It was only the government, and not the market or individuals, that could be depended on to send firemen into buildings, or to fight terrorists, or to screen passengers at airports. The terrorists were not attacking Americans as individuals, but symbols of American power like the World Trade Center and Pentagon. So it is not surprising that Americans met this challenge collectively with flags and patriotism, rather than the yellow ribbons of individual victimization.
There is something almost endearing about Fukuyama’s unerring ability to get it wrong. Fire departments in many places are not ‘government’ at all, but rather local volunteers who need no cohesion or coercion from the state to put their lives on the line for their jobs. In most of the western world, it is not ‘government’ who provides the airport security but private business, and does anyone really think that nationalisation of this function in the USA has actually made airports safer? If you have an incompetent screener, who do you think finds it easier to fire him, a private company or the US government? If emergency services can only exist when set up by the state, then how does ‘historian’ Frances Fukuyama explain the fact that for the last 175 years, the Royal National Lifeboat Institution has provided that service for Britain not just privately manned but privately funded?
Likewise, Fukuyama might like to hold up the Cato Institute‘s dafter remarks about Saddam Hussain as the totality of libertarian foreign policy ideas but it just ain’t so and there is indeed libertarian thought which does not take the strict ‘anti-war’ line, seeing that as being in fact anti-survival. I have huge respect for the Cato Institute and regard it as a superb organisation, but when it comes to matters of defence and co-existing in the real world with psychopathic tyrants who are trying to arm themselves with nuclear weapons, well sorry, the dollar amounts expended in the Gulf War is really not the sensible starting point for analysis. Yet the fact is not all libertarians are full blown anarcho-libertarians, even if we are indeed much informed by anarcho-libertarian ideas… there is in fact libertarian life beyond Murray Rothbard. Many of us support the concept of a nightwatchman ‘state’ in some form or other. Minarchists like me see dropping bombs on the Saddam Hussain’s of this world as being one of the very few legitimate functions of the state and the reality is that my views on that sort of thing are actually those of the majority of ‘small L’ libertarians (and more than a few American Libertarian Party activists as well if the truth be known. I can think of one who contributes to this blog).
Yes, I like the idea of getting the state out of 90% of what it does but the only time I turn the other cheek when my community is threatened is when I need to shoot my rifle off my left shoulder because I am taking cover in a doorway. As I mentioned in several earlier articles, the de facto pacifist libertarian ‘ostrich’ faction is by no means a distinguishing feature of libertarianism, just a faction of it.
Of course as a general rule, if Frances Fukuyama says something, you can safely assume the contrary is in fact the case.
According to the founders of the International Criminal Court in Rome have delcared that ‘it marks the turning of a new page in human history’. Setting aside, for a moment, the rather pompous tone, they might well be right. But the question is, exactly what ‘page’ is being turned?
The intention of the Court is to bring perpetrators of genocide, ethnic cleansing, apartheid and other ‘crimes against humanity’ to justice regardless of where they are in the world. Their jurisdiction will apply where the domestic courts in question fail to act and they can only act in countries which are signatories to the Rome Treaty establishing the Court.
Certainly these are noble ideals. Who wants to see a world where homicidal regimes can get away with it? Certainly not me but my disquiet is borne from the feeling that it is not quite as simple as that.
Bureaucracies, once established, tend not only to grow but also actively seek reasons for their continued existence and expansion. Just now, it is only the above-mentioned type of activities which are under the ICC’s remit but how long will it be thus circumscribed? A brief to tackle ‘crimes against humanity’ can be interpreted in all manner of ways to cover all manner of policy decisions. A tough anti-immigration policy? A lack of welfare benefits? No nationalised ‘free’ health care? No state education programme? There are no end of people who earnestly believe that such things constitute ‘crimes’.. The ICC may be benign but how long will it stay that way?
This is not just theoretical. Within the last few years the Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development (a welfare-state cartel) launched a war against ‘money-laundering’ and ‘drug-running’ that morphed almost seamlessly into a campaign (led particularly by France and Sweden) against what they laughably referred to as ‘unfair tax competition’. The justification for this neo-imperialism was that small countries providing tax havens were ‘undermining the democracy’ of countries such as France and Sweden. The result of this was that little countries like Malta, Leichtenstein, the Cayman Islands and Monaco were threatened with everything short of war in order to comply with the demands of the OECD for banking transparency and other domestic changes of law. They had no choice but to toe the line.
Thus the ‘quest for global justice’ becomes the imposition of agendas.
There are even greater dangers than this, though. No criminal code is enforceable without armed agents to act in its name. This leaves the ICC reliant on the military muscle of big powers to act as its appointed ‘police force’. But, as we have seen, in a world of complex alliances and interests, that is rarely going to be available. In time the ICC will demand it’s own ‘police force’ to act independently of nation-state interests. And that is a recipe for war without end.
I say this because, does anybody imagine that Slobodan Milosevic would be facing a War Crimes Tribunal in the Hague today had he had a nuclear arsenal at his disposal? At the risk of upsetting some people, the answer has to be no. It is for that same reason that Vladimir Putin will never have to answer for the Russian Army’s activities in Chechnya and Ariel Sharon remains impervious to the plaintiff cries of the ‘international community’.
This is a lesson which will not have been lost on other nations. The message is, if you want to retain your independence, sovereignty and autonomy of action then you better get yourself heavily armed and, preferably, nuclear armed. When you possess both the ability and the will to vaporise a big chunk of the planet, the ‘international community’ is left grumbling and impotent.
I have no doubt that the formation of the ICC was driven by good intentions, by the best of intentions. Unfortunately, they are exactly the kind of intentions that so often pave the road to hell.
The ’38th Annual Munich Conference on Security Policy’ (will there be a 39th?) seems to be…shall we say, in a little difficulty. When the German press accuses the US of being on an ‘ego-trip’ one can safely infer that things are not exactly getting off on the right foot.
All the more so when you read accusations like this:
“The Americans call on the Europeans to spend more money on defence, while the Europeans accuse the Americans of being too self-willed and not interested in a real partnership”
For the benefit of non-British readers, allow me to translate the above phrase into English:
“The Americans are wicked for not sharing our crippling moral relativism and post-colonial guilt and selfish because they refuse to subsidise our defence costs while we pour all our resources into our bloated welfare sectors”
There is a wealth of analysis in the linked article but, for me, the most telling lines are in the conclusion:
“But the disquiet in Europe is not only about differences on security issues, or the war on terror, or the shift in the Middle East peace process. There’s another, deeper, perhaps existential (to use a favourite European word) element: all this is happening as the Europeans are trying to redefine exactly who they themselves are, concludes Newsweek”
‘Defining’ oneself is more usually about defining what your are against rather than what you are for. It’s a lot easier. It looks like the European elite is already well down the road to defning itself as against the US.
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Who Are We? The Samizdata people are a bunch of sinister and heavily armed globalist illuminati who seek to infect the entire world with the values of personal liberty and several property. Amongst our many crimes is a sense of humour and the intermittent use of British spelling.
We are also a varied group made up of social individualists, classical liberals, whigs, libertarians, extropians, futurists, ‘Porcupines’, Karl Popper fetishists, recovering neo-conservatives, crazed Ayn Rand worshipers, over-caffeinated Virginia Postrel devotees, witty Frédéric Bastiat wannabes, cypherpunks, minarchists, kritarchists and wild-eyed anarcho-capitalists from Britain, North America, Australia and Europe.
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